^UNIVERS/A      AVlOS-AHCEl&>, 


ORATION 


DELIVERED    BEFORE    THE 


CITY  COUNCIL  AND  CITIZENS  OF  BOSTON, 


ONE     HUNDRED     AND     TENTH     ANNIVERSARY     OF     THE 
DECLARATION   OF   AMERICAN   INDEPENDENCE, 


GEO.    FRED.    WILLIAMS. 


BOSTON: 
PRINTED   BY  ORDER  OF  THE  CITY  COUNCIL. 

MDCCCLXXXVI. 


CITY    OF     BOSTON. 


IN  BOARD  or  ALDERMEN,  July  12,  1886. 

Ordered,  That  the  thanks  of  the  City  Council  be 
expressed  to  GEO.  FRED.  WILLIAMS  for  the  Oration  de- 
livered by  him  before  the  city  authorities  on  the  fifth 
instant,  in  commemoration  of  the  one  hundred  and  tenth 
anniversary  of  American  Independence,  and  that  he  be 
requested  to  furnish  a  copy  thereof  for  publication. 

Passed  unanimously.  Sent  down  for  concurrence. 
September  9,  came  up  concurred.  Approved  by  the 
Mayor,  September  13,  1886. 

A  true  copy. 

Attest : 

AUG.  N.  SAMPSON, 

City  Clerk. 


566577 


ORATION. 


FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN  :  — 

This  province  began  it :  I  might  say  this  town,  for  here 
the  arch- rebels  formed  their  schemes  long  ago. 

This  is  the  tribute  of  General  Gage,  one  of  our 
early  governors,  to  the  responsible  conspirators  for 
American  independence. 

With  what  reverence,  yet  what  exultation  ; 
with  what  gratitude,  yet  what  joy,  should  we 
celebrate  this  festival!  We  who  daily  tread  where 
Adams,  the  "  chief  incendiary,"  poured  his  patriotic 
fire  into  the  hearts  of  men;  where  Hancock  laid 
his  ease  and  fortune  upon  the  altar  of  liberty; 
where  Quincy  impetuously  forestalled  the  bitter 
struggle,  and  Warren  courted  his  martyrdom;  we 
who  move  under  the  walls  of  Faneuil  Hall,  the 
Old  South,  and  the  old  State  House,  which  first 
resounded  with  the  imperious  calls  of  independ- 
ence,—  we  should  deem  it  no  mere  form  to  gather 
here.  There  is  no  spot  on  earth  where  the  God 
of  nations  may  demand  account  of  a  higher 
stewardship. 


6  ORATION. 

And  to  this  day  with  what  promise  and  por- 
tent Heaven  has  pointed!  On  this  day  Adams 
and  Jefferson,  united  on  earth  in  freedom's  ser- 
vice, together  answered  the  eternal  summons. 

Was  it  not  a  gracious  monition  that  the  hands 
which  moulded  could  not  perpetuate,  and  that  the 
foundations  built  by  the  fathers  must  ever  be 
renewed  by  the  patriotism  of  the  children?  On 
this  day  the  heavenly  sign  appeared  above  the 
red  fields  of  Gettysburg  and  Vicksburg;  the 
anniversary  was  heavy  with  the  groans  of  the 
wounded  and  the  agonized  cries  of  the  bereaved. 
Oh,  glorious  sacrifice,  which  bought  that  day 
the  promise  that  the  union  was  to  live  ! 

*  With  your  lives,"  said  the  God  of  battles, 
"  shall  ye  keep  the  ark  of  liberty." 

If  we  be  now  in  the  presence  of  those  pa- 
triots whose  toil,  devotion,  and  blood  consecrated 
this  institution;  if  it  be  vouchsafed  to  them  who 
founded  to  watch  over  it,  what  account  shall 
we  here  give  of  the  keeping  of  their  sacred 
heritage?  Each  may  answer  for  himself.  Let 
him  recount  the  hours  which  he  has  given  to 
his  country;  let  him  relate  the  works  he  has 
done,  the  duties  performed,  the  sacrifices  made, 
the  obloquy  borne,  the  truths  championed,  the 
dangers  courted.  How  pitiable  is  our  confession! 


JULY    5,    1886.  7 

And  yet,  indeed,  this  day  is  set  apart  not  alone 
for  thanksgiving,  but  that  we  may  renew  our 
obligations,  and  pledge  anew  fealty  and  devo- 
tion to  our  country.  Let  us  do  it,  solemnly, 
before  God,  now  and  here. 

Since  last  we  celebrated  this  day  the  tears  of 
the  nation  have  not  been  spared.  Many  who 
were  a  part  of  our  breathing  present  have  been 
anchored  in  the  dead  past.  Let  us  not  forget 
their  virtues.  Him,  who  bore  up  the  Union  like 
an  Atlas,  and  on  whom  the  highest  honors  of  a 
grateful  Republic  have  descended;  the  warrior 
who  fought  for  peace,  who  conquered  to  forgive, 
let  us  not  forget.  Let  us  wreathe  two  garlands 
of  a  nation's  gratitude,  and  lay  them  this  day 
upon  the  graves  of  the  imperators  of  freedom, — 
Washington  and  Grant. 

Within  a  few  months  it  pleased  God  to  call 
to  himself  four  men  who  had  been  candidates 
for  our  chief  magistracy,  and  three  of  them 
leading  figures  in  the  war  of  the  Rebellion,  — 
McClellan,  the  upright  man,  the  loyal  soldier; 
Seymour,  the  sturdy  citizen,  the  spotless  states- 
man; Hancock,  the  majestic  patriot,  whose  life 
was  lived,  whose  blood  was  shed,  for  the  Union; 
and  Grant,  the  idol  of  the  nation.  These  are 
now  of  the  past,  and  with  them  may  the  sad 


8  ORATION. 

discord  which  they  allayed  pass  into  the  grave; 
the  lesson  of  their  work,  rooted  in  their  resting- 
places,  will  bud  and  blossom  with  the  seasons, 
and  its  leaves  will  whisper  the  promise  of  peace. 

And  let  us  not  forget  those  yet  among  us  who 
have  borne  our  burdens :  to  him  who  last  filled  with 
dignity,  and  left  with  honor,  the  presidential  chair, 
who  now  endures  lingering  sickness;  to  him  wrho 
has  had  guard  and  guidance  of  our  national 
treasury,  whose  rugged  strength  went  out  in 
restless  service  to  the  people,  till  he  was  stricken 
at  his  post,  —  to  all  who  suffer  for  faithful  public 
service,  in  war  and  in  peace,  let  our  gratitude 
and  sympathy  be  now  extended. 

But  before  this  day  is  done  not  only  must  our 
praise  and  gratitude  have  been  spoken  for  bygone 
deeds  and  men,  we  must  search  ourselves  in 
solemn  retrospect,  and,  learning  and  unlearning 
the  lessons  of  the  past,  seek  for  new  light  upon 
duties  to  come.  This  is  a  time  when  we  may 
lay  aside  our  differences,  our  animosities,  party 
ties,  and  sectional  prejudices. 

What  is  this?  Animosities,  party  ties,  and  sec- 
tional prejudices,  —  these  among  the  heirs  of  liberty, 
brothers,  children  of  the  Union?  And  are  they 
to  be  taken  up  again?  Alas,  yes!  To-morrow  there 
will  be  fro\vns,  jealousy,  injustice,  in  this  family 


JULY    5,     1886.  9 

which  now  unites  in  common  thanksgiving  and 
devotion.  Here,  indeed,  is  subject  for  our  intro- 
spection; let  us  give  it  our  thought  while  we 
may,  for  the  morrow  comes  soon. 

When  the  Father  of  our  country  laid  down  his 
mantle,  he  spoke  words  of  warning  and  advice  to 
his  countrymen.  Listen  to  these  sentences  of 
Washington  in  his  farewell  address :  — 

All  combinations  and  associations,  under  whatever  plausible 
character,  with  the  real  design  to  direct,  control,  counteract, 
or  awe  the  regular  deliberation  and  action  of  the  constituted 
authorities,  are  of  fatal  tendency.  The}-  serve  to  organize 
faction,  to  give  it  an  artificial  and  extraordinary  force;  to  put 
in  the  place  of  the  delegated  will  of  the  nation  the  will  of 
a  party,  often  a  small,  but  artful  and  enterprising,  minority  of 
the  community ;  and,  according  to  the  alternate  triumphs  of 
different  parties,  to  make  the  public  administration  the  mirror 
of  the  ill-concerted  and  incongruous  projects  of  faction,  rather 
than  the  organ  of  consistent  and  wholesome  plans,  digested 
by  common  counsels,  and  modified  by  mutual  interests.  The 
alternate  domination  of  one  faction  over  another,  sharpened  by 
the  spirit  of  revenge,  natural  to  party  dissension,  which,  in 
different  ages  and  countries,  has  perpetrated  the  most  horrid 
enormities,  is  itself  a  frightful  despotism.  It  serves  always 
to  distract  the  public  councils,  and  enfeeble  the  public  ad- 
ministration. It  agitates  the  community  with  ill-founded  jeal- 
ousies and  false  alarms ;  kindles  the  animosity  of  one  part 
against  another,  foments  occasionally  riot  and  insurrection. 
Let  me  warn  you  in  the  most  solemn  manner  against  the 
baneful  effects  of  the  spirit  of  party. 


10  ORATION. 

Fellow-countrymen,  have  we  heeded  this  warn- 
ing? Have  we  not,  indeed,  suffered  each  and  all 
the  results  foretold  in  these  prophetic  words? 

It  need  not  be  questioned  that  the  organization 
of  public  opinion  is  necessary,  and  political  parties 
in  our  land  have  had  in  turn  their  mission  and 
justification.  But  even  a  dazzling  history  should 
not  blind  us  to  their  errors  and  excesses. 

There  are  pillars  of  our  Republic  which  must 
be  kept  sacred;  with  new  plans,  new  structures, 
new  beauties,  these  must  be  preserved.  There  is 
nothing  at  last  gained  which  violates  the  integ- 
rity of  the  ballot,  degrades  public  virtue,  or 
weakens  the  control  of  the  people  over  their 
government. 

Have  parties  protected  the  ballot? 

The  second  century  of  Independence  opened 
upon  the  most  painful  sight  which  freedom  has 
yet  witnessed, — the  election  of  a  great  people  was 
offered  by  rascally  officials  in  open  market,  and 
two  political  parties  were  bidding  and  bartering 
for  its  purchase;  again  and  again,  in  cities  and 
States,  the  voice  of  the  majority  has  been  sup- 
pressed by  fraud  and  violence;  with  technicality, 
concealment,  bribery,  perjury,  and  force  have  parties 
overridden  the  expressed  will  of  the  people.  We 
have  become  accustomed  to  the  practice  of  Legis- 


JULY    5,    1886.  11 

latures    to    ignore    returns,    and     settle    contested 
elections    by   party   vote. 

And  yet  treason  itself  is  hardly  more  threaten- 
ing to  our  republic  than  this  crime,  which  goes 
unpunished  in  our  midst,  and  is  even  committed 
by  mutual  consent. 

What  deadly  torpor  is  upon  us  that  we  should 
tolerate  it?  And,  if  parties  practise  it,  should 
they  not  die  a  thousand  deaths  before  we  par- 
don the  offence  ? 

Have   parties  promoted   public   virtue? 

Let  us  not  recount  the  gigantic  robberies  with 
which  our  politics  has  been  shamed,  —  the  canal 
ring,  the  Tweed  regime,  the  whiskey  ring,  the 
Star  Route  frauds,  the  corruption  of  legislators, 
judges,  and  cabinet  officers,  the  repudiation  of 
public  debts:  the  awful  record  cannot  be  effaced. 
But  this,  it  will  be  said,  is  an  old  story.  How 
old  are  the  indictments  of  a  Board  of  Aldermen 
in  our  metropolis  for  receiving  bribes?  How  old 
the  corrupt  sales  of  franchises  in  Chicago  and 
St.  Louis,  and  the  charges  of  wholesale  bribery 
in  Ohio  and  Indiana?  How  old  is  our  Fisher- 
Hill  disgrace?  Nay,  these  things  are  in  our 
midst. 

Has  the  responsibility  of  the  government  to  the 
people  been  maintained? 


32  ORATION. 

We  have  seen  a  helpless  minority  in  the  South 
ridden  and  despoiled  by  unprincipled  servants  of 
the  government;  gross  frauds  in  the  departments 
and  in  Congress  condoned  and  concealed  in  re- 
ports of  partisan  committees;  great  criminals 
untried  or  acquitted,  and  frauds  upon  the  ballot 
unpunished.  And  all  these  wrongs,  hateful  as  they 
are  to  the  great  majority  of  the  people,  have 
had  the  shield  or  palliation  of  party  power. 

A  single  one  of  the  great  scandals  in  our 
public  service  would  have  shaken  the  govern- 
ments of  England,  France,  or  Germany,  to  their 
foundations.  Is  corruption,  then,  an  incident  of 
freedom?  Perish  the  thought.  Yet,  if  it  has  foisted 
itself  upon  the  country,  a  great  duty  lies  before 
us.  This  is  the  one  reproach  upon  our  govern- 
ment. Till  it  is  made  a  shame  the  Republic  is 
not  a  success. 

Fellow-citizens,  these  evils  are  rooted  not  in 
the  immorality  of  the  nation 7  but  in  a  system  of 
party  management,  which  is  foreign  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  a  democracy,  and  which  has  impercep- 
tibly usurped  the  free  will  of  the  people.  While 
political  parties  should  be  in  our  Republic  the 
tools  of  the  people,  they  have  become  its  masters. 
It  is  difficult  to  expose  the  methods  by  which 
this  end  has  been  reached,  because  they  have  so 


JULY    5,    1886.  13 

long  been  part  of  our  political  life  that  they 
seem  familiar  and  harmless;  but,  in  truth,  we 
shall  find  that  popular  elections  have  been  too 
often  the  puppet-shows  of  politicians  rather  than 
the  Olympics  of  the  Republic.  The  usurpation  has 
been  none  the  less  real  that  it  has  been  gradual. 

At  about  the  coming  in  of  this  century  Aaron 
Burr  conceived  this  new  plan  of  political  or- 
ganization, —  the  people  are  to  be  managed  by 
the  same  rules  of  discipline  as  the  soldiers  of  an 
army;  a  few  leaders  are  to  think  for  the  masses, 
and  the  latter  are  to  implicitly  follow  their  leaders. 
When,  later,  it  was  proclaimed  that  w  to  the  victor 
belong  the  spoils  of  the  enemy  "  the  plan  of  warfare 
was  complete. 

Its  basis  of  action  is  to  control  the  caucus.  At 
its  threshold  the  citizen  must  put  himself  under 
command,  and  pledge  himself  to  support  its  action. 
But  its  action  is  skilfully  controlled  by  the  mana- 
gers, and  the  pledge  is  to  do  their  will. 

The  perversion  of  the  deliberative  and  advisory 
character  of  primary  meetings,  by  stipulating  loyalty 
to  its  decrees,  is  the  basal  sham  of  party  discipline. 
It  is  extended  to  conventions,  and  with  like  rigor 
the  party  caucus,  in  more  majestic  shape,  extorts  the 
promise  of  conformity  even  from  legislative  assem- 
blies and  executive  officers. 


14  ORATION. 

The  helpless  citizen  soon  abandons  the  caucus  to 
its  owners,  and  thus  delivers  into  their  hands  the 
whole  machinery  of  politics.  And  the  caucus  is 
easily  controlled:  money  buys  the  service  of  the 
grog-shop  and  the  needy,  and  secures  purchasable 
voters;  honors  lure  the  ambitious,  and  the  bribe  of 
power  engages  a  multitude  of  corporals  in  this  army 
of  discipline. 

The  successful  party  enlists  wealth  and  influence; 
monopoly  must  purchase  its  protection  and  wrong 
must  secure  immunity. 

But  over  and  above  these  inducements  is  the 
dispensation  of  patronage.  The  offices  shall  be 
plundered  from  the  people,  to  whom  they  belong. 
This  is  no  secret :  it  is  openly  proclaimed.  The 
offices  are  no  longer  to  be  places  of  trust,  but 
the  spoils  of  war.  Oh,  shameless  presumption, 
which  puts  upon  the  peaceful  service  of  a  Republic 
the  laws  of  pillage  and  rapine  ! 

Hear  the  words  of  a  Massachusetts  statesman 
upon  the  floor  of  Congress:  — 

I  have  heard  in  the  highest  places  the  shameless  doctrine 
avowed,  by  men  grown  old  in  public  office,  that  the  true 
way  by  which  power  should  be  gained  in  the  Republic  is  to 
bribe  the  people  with  the  offices  created  for  their  service ; 
and  the  true  end  for  which  it  should  be  used,  when  gained, 
is  the  promotion  of  selfish  ambition,  and  the  gratification  of 
personal  revenge. 


JULY    5,    1886.  15 

Nor  have  the  statesmen  of  earlier  days  been 
silent  upon  this  evil. 

Quincy,  Randolph,  Clay,  and  Calhoun  inveighed 
against  it,  and  "Webster  thundered  against  it  in 
these  words:  — 

It  is  the  use  of  the  power  of  patronage  ;  it  is  the  universal 
giving  and  taking  away  of  all  place  and  office,  for  reasons  no  way 
connected  with  the  public  service,  or  the  faithful  execution  of  the 
laws  ;  it  is  this  which  threatens  with  overthrow  the  true  principles 
of  government. 

A  numerous  and  well-disciplined  corps  of  office-holders,  acting 
with  activity  and  zeal,  and  with  incredible  union  of  purpose,  is 
attempting  to  seize  on  the  strong  posts,  and  to  control  effectually 
the  expression  of  the  public  will. 

But,  gentlemen,  the  principle 'is  vicious;  it  is  destructive  and 
ruinous  ;  and,  whether  it  produces  its  work  of  disunion  to-day  or 
to-morrow,  it  must  produce  it  in  the  end. 

At  last  political  warfare  has  secured  a  standing 
army.  But  the  conscription  of  this  soldiery  now 
becomes  the  most  delicate  and  important  duty;  this 
must  be  secured  to  the  politicians.  To  this  end 
the  appointing  power  is  invaded. 

Legislators  demand  the  power  of  appointment. 
Senatorial  courtesy  subverts  the  constitution  ;  and 
we  have  even  seen  senators  resign  their  offices  be- 
cause the  Executive  would  not  perform  his  con- 
stitutional duty  at  their  dictation. 


16  ORATION. 

Legislators  create  offices  to  supply  party  de- 
mands, and  raise  salaries  to  supply  party  funds. 
The  holders  of  office  know  that  the  politicians,  and 
not  the  people,  are  their  masters.  At  their  bidding 
they  overrun  caucuses  and  conventions;  they  con- 
tribute and  distribute  bribes;  they  cajole  the  weak 
and  threaten  the  strong;  the  public  buildings  be- 
come the  barracks  and  fortresses  of  party  warfare; 
mean  men  are  not  wanting  for  mean  business, 
criminals  for  crime;  the  holy  ballot-box  is  even 
defiled.  Political  patronage  and  corruption  seem 
so  unlike  that  they  are  not  recognized  as  twin- 
brothers.  Yet  what  protection  has  the  public 
treasury  from  dishonest  politicians,  if  the  public 
servants  are  their  tools?  May  not,  indeed,  the 
conspirators  themselves  be  placed  in  charge  of 
the  department  they  would  despoil?  At  least 
exposure  is  but  little  to  be  feared  when  all  the 
guardians  of  the  public  trusts  are  at  the  mercy 
of  those  who  violate  them. 

But  to  this  great  engine  for  national  control 
the  spoils  of  a  nation  do  not  suffice;  the  patron- 
age of  State,  county,  town,  and  village  is  poured 
into  the  hopper,  and  no  place  of  honor  escapes  it. 

That  national  politics  have  usurped  town  and 
city  elections  is  not  an  unnatural  consequence  of 
the  scheme  of  controlling  the  popular  will.  The 


JULY    5,    1886.  17 

frequency  of  elections  gives  better  opportunity  for 
party  discipline,  and  there  are  rich  rewards  in 
offices  and  contracts. 

Parties  have  built  a  broad  and  smooth  high- 
way to  success,  which  is  open  to  the  wire-puller, 
the  boss,  the  striker,  the  demagogue, —  any  one 
who  will  bring  votes  and  yield  to  the  discipline. 

The  statesman  and  independent,  who  do  not 
like  this  company,  may  stumble  in  the  rough  and 
solitary  by-ways. 

But  there  is  not  alone  the  reward  of  loyalty, 
but  the  punishment  of  treason.  Abuse  and  cal- 
umny, jeers  and  scoffs,  follow  the  deserter,  not 
only  into  public,  but  private  and  professional, 
life.  No  one  knows  the  relentlessness  of  this 
persecution  who  has  not  suffered  from  it. 

It  is  not  strange  that  such  a  system  does 
not  produce  statesmen,  that  the  name  of  politi- 
cian is  a  reproach,  that  talent  shrinks  from  public 
life,  that  legislators  are  cowardly,  and  that  the 
people  feel  helpless  to  remedy  the  evils  which 
enjoy  the  protection  of  political  parties.  It  is  not 
strange  that  the  welfare  of  the  country  is  sunk 
in  the  furor  of  party  zeal. 

"If  at  any  time,"  said  a  United  States  senator 
to  a  graduating  class,  "you  find  your  party  con- 
trolled by  disreputable  methods  and  with  corrupt 


18  ORATION. 

men  in  its  management,  do  not  abandon  it,  and 
seek  to  defeat  it  by  going  over  to  the  opposi- 
tion." 

Though  after  defeat  in  the  party  yon  must 
support  the  successful  candidate,  the  logic  fails 
when  the  people  have  defeated  the  party's  can- 
didate. It  then  becomes  your  duty  to  doubt  his 
virtues  and  his  motives,  and  sneer  at  his  preten- 
sions to  reform.  Is  it  not  clear  that  it  will  be 
dangerous  to  allow  him  to  acquit  himself  credit- 
ably? 

Can  any  one  be  so  faithful  to  his  trust  that  he 
will  not  be  shamed  by  a  slanderous  party  press? 
!Nbt  even  the  President  is  to  be  shielded  ;  even 
here  patriotism  and  national  pride  shall  not  suf- 
fice. For  he  is  only  the  head  of  a  successful 
faction.  Is  this  an  exaggeration  ?  Even  now, 
when  the  whole  world,  with  jealous  or  with 
friendly  eye,  looks  to  the  President  of  the 
nation  as  the  standard  and  personification  of 
the  national  character,  baffled  partisanship  de- 
mands, even  on  this  anniversary  of  Independence, 
that  we  shall  not  point  with  joy .  and  pride  to 
the  manliness,  the  independence,  the  candor,  fear- 
lessness, ability,  devotion,  honesty,  and  untiring 
patriotism  of  the  present  chief  magistrate  of  the 
United  States. 


JULY    o,    1886.  19 

To  quote  once  more :  K  The  best  results  in  the 
operation  of  a  government,  wherein  every  citi- 
zen has  a  share,  largely  depend  upon  a  proper 
limitation  of  purely  partisan  zeal  and  effort,  and 
a  correct  appreciation  of  the  time  when  the  heat 
of  the  partisan  should  be  merged  in  the  patri- 
otism of  the  citizen."  Signed,  Grover  Cleveland. 

We  need  not  to  recall  how  sectional  prejudice 
has  been  kept  alive  for  political  purposes  ;  we 
know  how  party  rancor  has  set  neighbor  against 
neighbor ;  we  have  heard  that  it  was  the  pur- 
pose of  one-half  the  people  to  destroy  our  indus- 
tries, to  despoil  the  public  service,  to  indemnify 
rebels  and  oppress  a  helpless  race. 

Thank  Heaven,  we  need  no  longer  doubt  that 
our  countrymen  are  fit  to  govern,  into  whatever 
factions  they  may  separate,  or  under  whatever 
name  they  may  combine  ! 

Let   there   be   no    misunderstanding. 

Parties,  as  representatives  of  economic  and  social 
principles,  are  to  be  desired,  —  they  are  inevitable 
in  a  healthy  political  condition;  but  parties  ruled 
by  military  law  are  not  adapted  for  the  peaceful 
service  of  a  Republic;  they  destroy  public  and 
private  harmony,  lower  the  standard  of  public 
morals,  and  substitute  the  schemes  of  politicians 
for  the  will  of  the  people.  Instead  of  rational 


20  ORATION. 

organized  representatives  of  a  healthy  public 
opinion  we  have  seen  parties  which  aim  at  power 
without  statesmanship;  which  have  ambition  with- 
out a  policy;  which  encourage  sectionalism,  pro- 
mote private  and  public  dishonesty;  which  will  not 
reform  or  be  reformed;  which  are  organizations 
with  no  soul  or  conscience;  which  are  mere  intelli- 
gence offices  for  the  servants  of  the  nation. 

There  is  an  institution,  which  is  purely  demo- 
cratic, which  was  the  mainspring  of  American 
Independence.  It  is  the  town-meeting.  We,  of 
New  England,  know  that  corruption  has  not  yet 
polluted  it.  We  discuss,  we  plan,  we  arrive 
at  conclusions,  —  mistaken  at  times,  but,  in  the 
main,  right.  The  leaders,  who  make  promises 
in  town-meeting,  must  redeem  them  or  abdicate. 

Compare  the  rule  of  the  people  with  the  reign 
of  party. 

The  last  Congress  opened,  unanimously  pledged 
by  open  promises  to  the  people  to  a  readjust- 
ment of  the  tariff,  honest  currency,  and  a  reform 
of  the  civil  service. 

Its  policy  upon  the  tariff  has  been  to  do 
nothing,  not  even  to  debate;  upon  the  silver  ques- 
tion, to  do  nothing.  Civil-service  reform  they 
have  kissed  upon  the  forehead  and  stabbed  under 
the  ribs  ;  but  the  policy  is  still  to  do  nothing. 


JULY    5,    1866.  21 

Nothing,    though     multiplied    a    million   times,   is 
still    nothing. 

Such  is  the  product  of  party  discipline  upon 
our  national  Legislature  ;  the  woof  of  legislation 
is  spun  into  the  party  warp,  and  legislators  are 
measured  by  their  party  service  ;  a  brave  people 
is  represented  by  timid  men.  Party  platforms  are 
a  sham;  the  party's  promise  to  you  is  worthless 
while  your  promise  to  the  party  must  be  re- 
deemed, even  to  the  limit  of  supporting  unprin- 
cipled men  for  office. 

The  charge  that  the  American  people  is  as 
faithless  as  the  parties  in  which  they  combine, 
is  not  true.  They  want  honesty,  they  want  true 
leadership,  they  want  independence  and  manly 
courage.  You,  Mr.  Mayor,  have  known  how 
lavishly  the  votes  of  the  people  are  poured  upon 
the  man  who  has  the  will  and  the  courage  to  do 
the  right. 

At  last  let  ambition  learn  the  lesson  of 
Carlyle :  — 

Nothing  is  at  last  sacred  but  the  integrity  of  your  own 
mind.  Absolve  you  to  yourself,  and  you  shall  have  the 
suffrage  of  the  world. 

The  -problem  of  to-day  is  to  cure  these  evils ;  to 
bring  the  government  back  into  the  hands  of  the 


22  ORATION. 

people;  to  reestablish  direct  relations  between  the 
voter  and  the  laws;  to  recreate  direct  responsibility 
of  the  agents  of  government  at  the  public  forum. 
It  is  a  process  of  removing  those  "who  impudently 
stand  between  the  people  and  their  government." 
Until  existing  parties  shall  promote  this  end  the 
instrument  to  secure  it  must  be  independent 
deliberations,  independent  nominations,  and  inde- 
pendent votes.  To  this  end  the  price  of  public 
honors  should  be  untiring  and  single  devotion  to 
the  public  service,  and  to  this  end  all  venal 
motives  should  be  removed  from  the  path  of  politi- 
cal ambition.  The  caucus  is  not  our  master,  but 
our  servant;  parties  are  form,  and  not  substance; 
they  may  go  out  to-morrow,  and  not  an  atom 
of  our  institutions  be  lost;  if  they  tyrannize,  let 
us  form  new  ones  fit  for  freemen  ;  if  our  public 
men  can  only  follow  and  obey,  let  us  elect  those 
who  will  lead  and  despise  dictation  ;  but,  above 
all,  let  us  make  corruption  a  deadly  sin. 

Fellow-countrymen,  let  us  not  forget  that  to  us 
God  has  intrusted  the  great  problem  of  manhood 
government;  that,  as  we  preserve  and  safeguard 
that  which  the  bravery,  the  wisdom,  the  self- 
sacrifice  of  our  fathers  gave  us,  so  shall  in  future 
days  our  names  be  blessed  or  accursed.  Time  was 
when  upon  a  single  head  descended  the  gratitude 


JULY5,1886.  23 

or  reproaches  of  mankind;  now  upon  the  fidelity 
and  watchful  care  of  each  of  us  rests  the  destiny 
of  a  nation;  none  so  humble  that  his  voice  may 
not  be  heard,  no  hand  so  weak  that  its  blow  may 
not  be  felt.  From  the  throbbing  of  your  heart 
comes  the  Republic's  mighty  pulse.  The  sword  of 
liberty  is  grasped  by  a  million  hands.  Be  watch- 
ful, be  fearless,  be  vigilant  unto  the  end  ! 


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